Abstract:
In recent years a growing number of Americans have made the
decision to immigrate to Israel. Immigration to Israel entails many challenges
for a family. One segment of immigrants who are at particular risk for
transition difficulties post-migration is adolescents. Considering the many
biological, cognitive, and socio-emotional changes experienced by adolescents,
including the identity formation process and its sensitivity to environmental
changes, preliminary research and clinical evidence suggests that many
adolescents respond to the immigration transition in negative ways. However,
adolescent immigration in general is an understudied topic and is practically a
non-existent subject of study in terms of the experience of American
adolescents immigrating to Israel. In order to fill the existing gap in
understanding how immigration to Israel impacts American adolescents, the
current preliminary qualitative study investigated the immigration process and
adjustment of recent US immigrant teens to Israel.
INTRODUCTION
In recent years a growing number of Americans have made the
decision to immigrate to Israel. Based on data from Israel's Central Bureau of
Statistics, assembled by Waxman (1) over the past decade, an average of close
to 2,200 Americans per year have immigrated to Israel, or made aliyah
(immigration to Israel) as it is commonly referred to. Since 1948 there have
been times when aliyah from America far exceeded these numbers, such as during
the late 60s and early 70s, when between 5,500 and 7,300 Americans made aliyah
annually. However, that irregularity was driven by several unique historical
circumstances. Namely, a combination of Jewish euphoria after the 1967
Six-Day-War coupled with sociocultural turmoil in the US coalesced to create
this exceptional immigration anomaly. (2) In comparison to aliyah throughout
the years, the present stream of US olim (immigrants to Israel) represents a
growing phenomenon, comprising 1.5% of Israel's total Jewish population. (3)
Considering the increasing numbers of olim over the past few
decades, an emergent area of interdisciplinary research has examined various
aspects of the Israel immigration process and experience including studies on
transition, immigration motivation, acculturation, transnationalism, and
migration generation.
This
article examines the challenges inherent in immigration, and the psychological
adjustment to immigration, of religious American adolescent olim. This unique
group is a growing segment of the immigrating population and has received less
scientific attention.
FAMILY
IMMIGRATION ADJUSTMENT
Aliyah entails many challenges for a family. First, many
olim learn that their pre-immigration view of living in Israel diverges from
the actual experience. (4) On a more basic level, the stress of the transition
for various family members, together with economic challenges often create many
adjustment difficulties. (5)
More specifically, past research has examined the experience
of aliyah of specific family members. Laura Sigad and Rivka Eisikovits reported
on the adaptation of North American women who immigrated to Israel with their
Israeli-born husbands and who subsequently became mothers in Israel. (6) The
women in the study highlighted several unique elements of their experience
including identity issues, parenting style differences with their husband and
other Israeli mothers, difficulties being away from their family of origin,
disapproval of the move and pressure to move back to North America from their
family of origin, the importance of support from husband's family and the
overall mother community, and possessing a transnational orientation.
They also studied the experience of US grandparents of American-Israeli
children living in Israel. (7) Themes from the ethnographic interviews
conducted with 12 grandparents included grandparent feelings of isolation from
grandchildren, worry about security issues in Israel, behavioral differences
between Israeli and US children, and pride in grandchildren developing
multi-national proficiencies. Their study has highlighted the features of
transnationalism of both mothers and grandparents inherent in US immigration to
Israel.
ADOLESCENT
IMMIGRANTS
A segment of immigrants who are at particular risk for
transition difficulties post-migration is adolescents. Considering the many
biological, cognitive, and socio-emotional changes experienced by adolescents,
including the identity formation process and its sensitivity to environmental
changes, preliminary research and clinical evidence suggest that many
adolescents respond to the immigration transition in negative ways. (8)
However, adolescent immigration in general is an understudied topic (9) and is
practically a non-existent subject of study in terms of the experience of
American adolescent olim.
From the little research that is available on adolescent
immigration in general it is becoming evident that there is much variability
between adolescents in the way they respond to immigration. (10) Based on Gary
Becker's Intergenerational Transmission Theories, several empirical studies
suggest that parental psychological, social, and economic means may impact the
way adolescents transition post-immigration. (11) For example, John Berry et
al. found that adolescents from families lacking connectedness and warmth were
at particular risk for developing problems after immigration. (12) Furthermore,
parental conflict has been shown to adversely impact adolescent immigrants. Conversely,
immigration difficulties have been shown to be minimized with the presence of
multiple protective factors such as positive self-esteem, optimism, affirming
peer relationships, and parent-child warmth. (13)
Beyond individual and family characteristics, other
situational factors may also impact adolescent immigration transition. Nina
Ahmed found that adolescents who emigrated from countries similar to the host
country in economic, social, and political characteristics were more likely to
do well after immigration. (14) Furthermore, the ability to acculturate, or
integrate into the cultural norms of the host country via new language
proficiency, has also been shown to ease immigration transitions. (15) Some
studies have shown that acculturation has its limitations. An overimmersion in
the host country's culture may prompt a disconnect between parents and their
adolescents. High levels of adolescent acculturation may create a
"cultural gap" between adolescents and their less acculturated parents,
triggering an increase in parent-child conflict. (16) Hence, balancing
acculturation with a firm link to the country of origin may produce the most
adaptive outcomes of adolescents. Studies have shown that when adolescents
retain proficiencies in their language of origin they are more likely to
experience closeness with their parents than adolescents not proficient in
their language of origin. (17) The importance of balancing both past and
present cultures can also be seen with the finding reported by Liu et al. (18)
that adolescent immigrants to the US proficient in English were more likely to
succeed academically, whereas proficiencies in the adolescents' language of
origin was associated with more adaptive emotional outcomes. David Sami (19)
found that identity with the culture of origin was a strong predictor of
psychological well-being among adolescent immigrants. Hence, retaining some
sense of cultural diversity may be a strength for adolescent adaptability.
RELIGIOUS
ADOLESCENT ALIYAH
Although a review of the limited research on this topic can
provide a window into understanding some of the experiences of adolescent
immigrants, the immense variability found in the way they respond to
immigration (20) leaves many unanswered questions about American adolescents' aliyah
experience. The few studies on adolescent olim primarily focuses on immigrants
from the FSU and Ethiopia (21) pointing to various academic, social, and
emotional difficulties experienced by teen immigrants. (22) However, the
experience of American adolescent olim differs in considerable ways from the
experience of other groups of adolescent immigrants in Israel. (23) First, US
aliyah is usually driven by "pull" reasons, as opposed to
"push" reasons, which is more common with aliyah from other countries.
(24) Choosing to leave the relative comfort of an American life-style in favor
of aliyah to Israel is driven by being pulled by the religious or cultural
appeal of living in Israel. This active choice is in stark contrast to many
other groups of olim who made aliyah in response to being pushed out of their
country of origin for various geo-political, safety, or economic concerns.
Considering that "pull" reasons often entail
religious factors, such as wanting to live in the Biblical homeland, it is important
to assess the challenges and adjustment of religious American Adolescent olim.
An additional unique dimension of American aliyah is the Americanization of
Israel and throughout its society through language, commerce, and
entertainment. The use of English words in conversational Hebrew is rampant.
Words such as mainstream, take-out, shopping, babysitter, and mail are just a
small sample of the many words that have permeated common use. Shopping malls
are inundated with American establishments such as McDonald's and Burger King
serving American ice cream. American movies and television programs are
extremely popular in Israel and American styles of clothing and music are seen
in all segments of the population. Uzi Rebhun and Chaim Waxman noted, "Israelis
often appear to be more American than Americans." (25) This immersion in
American culture is enhanced further for American immigrants considering that
they often choose to live in Anglo communities. (26) Hence, living in
communities with large US immigrant populations, within a country that is
highly Americanized, offers American olim the distinctive potential for both
positive and negative consequences.
In the seminal work of Berry on acculturation, immigrants
have been shown to utilize several integration strategies. In assimilation,
immigrants embrace the new culture and relinquish ties with their culture of
origin. (27) Separation occurs when immigrants detach from their new culture
and retain a robust connection with their culture of origin. Immigrants who
integrate are those who are able to combine elements of both their new culture
and their culture of origin, resulting in a well-adjusted immigrating
experience. Finally, marginalization is when immigrants reject both their new
culture and their culture of origin.
Using Berry's model, the Americanization of Israel and its
society is an important factor in examining the acculturation of US olim. The
rampant influence, and high status, of American society throughout Israel may
make it easier for them to integrate their sense of identity and develop a
sense of transnationalism. (28) On the other hand, the Americanization of
Israel may also feed a detachment from the new Israeli culture leading to a
sense of separation. Paula Kahan et al. found that in comparison to teen olim
from other countries, those from the US were more likely to have proficiencies
in their mother tongue and less likely to have proficiencies in Hebrew. (29)
The adverse consequences of transnationalism can also be seen in the ambivalence
reported by US olim about staying in Israel. Between 40% and 60% of US olim
eventually return to reside in the US. (30) These inimitable characteristics of
immigration from the US necessitate a careful examination of how American teens
adjust to moving to Israel. Furthermore, inquiries about US adolescent
immigrant adjustment are particularly curious when considering the distinctive
characteristics of religious adolescent immigrants. First, it would be
interesting to assess how immigration adjustment for religious adolescents may
be impacted by the religious nature of the "pull" factors in the
reasons for immigration to Israel. Second, both the adolescent developmental
transition and the immigration process entail a reexamination of personal identity.
The primary developmental task of the adolescent years is the construction of a
unique sense of self that often includes an examination of how religious
identities and beliefs are expressed and embraced. (31) Identity ambiguities
and reappraisals are also an integral part of the immigration process. (32)
Hence, the confluence of the adolescent developmental and immigration process,
and the religious undercurrent involved in both facets of the transition, may
produce a distinctive experience for US religious teenagers immigrating to
Israel.
METHODOLOGY
Sample
In order to fill this existing gap in understanding how
aliyah impacts religious American adolescents, the current qualitative study
investigated the immigration process and adjustment of recent immigrant teens.
(33) The study group included 20 participants who immigrated to Israel from the
US during the past two to five years. The participants included 4 fathers of
teens, 7 mothers of teens, and 9 adolescents (5 male and 4 female) between the
ages of 13 and 18. All had made aliyah with their entire immediate family,
which included two married parents and between two and seven children. They
resided in central Israel in cities with differing numbers of US olim.
The participants were recruited by research assistants
through personal acquaintances using "snowball sampling" and were
specifically targeted based on a predetermined criterion. (34) The
predetermined criterion focused on selecting participants who emigrated from
the US to Israel within the past five years and were Orthodox-Jewish. The
five-year timeframe was predetermined in order to gauge both the immigration
process and the short-term adaptation to the move. A predetermined criterion
included a focus on adolescents from intact families, as issues of divorce and
remarriage may cloud the current study's focus on immigration adjustment. The
precise immigration status of the study group and their status as belonging to
the Orthodox community were confirmed based on a self-report prior to the
interview.
PROCEDURE
The interviewer, the author of this report, underwent
graduate training in qualitative techniques. The interviews were conducted
anonymously except for asking about general demographic questions. Verbal
consent was obtained before the interviews and the actual interviews were
recorded. Participants were interviewed in a private setting (home or private
area of a coffee shop) using questions as a guide for the inquiry. The length
of the interviews was between 18 and 45 minutes. The questions were generated
by reviewing other studies on immigration in general and by consulting with
mental health professionals who work with adolescent immigrants in Israel. The
interview protocol can be found in Appendix A. The interviewer followed the
participants' responses with prompts in order to gain the most accurate and
rich picture of the experiences under investigation.
DATA
ANALYSIS
Results were analyzed using the phenomenological method.
(35) The assumption of this method is that it is difficult for interviewers to
remove their biases and personal beliefs from the data. (36) In order to
minimize subjectivity, the interviewer discussed his expectations and
assumptions about the possible findings with study consultants and attempted to
dismiss them prior to the interviews. (37) Each interview was broken down into
themes by the investigator who conducted the interview. Once the initial
categorization of all responses was established, a second research assistant
completed an additional categorization. Responses that were categorized
differently by the two coders were discussed and settled. Subsequently, the
investigators analyzed all the transcripts producing a hierarchy of common
themes.
RESULTS
Although the narrative provided by the participants included
a variety of ideas, several emerging themes were identified from the content of
the interviews. The themes were (1) Reasons, Timing, and Process of the Move;
(2) Family Impacting the Transition; (3) Social and Community Variables; (4)
School, Academics, and Language; (5) Issues of Divergent Cultures; (6)
Difficulties with Uncertain Causes; and (7) Change Over Time and Retrospection.
REASONS,
TIMING, AND PROCESS OF THE MOVE
Participants reported two general types of reasons for why
the family decided to move to Israel: "pull" reasons and
"push" reasons. The majority of participants highlighted
"pull" reasons, which are reasons based on the feeling of being
pulled by the appeal of living in Israel. In most cases this reason was based
on the religious and spiritual aspects of living in The Holy Land. In some
cases this religious and spiritual dimension was noted by teens as an exciting
aspect of moving to Israel, making the transition easier. For example, a
15-year-old female who has been in Israel for three years noted, "Learning
about the Bible all these years and then coming to the place where it all
happen was cool." Other "pull" reasons included Zionistic
reasons, such as the importance of Jews living in Israel, a sense that Jews are
safer in Israel, the superior Jewish education in Israel, and having family in
Israel.
A smaller number of participants noted "push"
reasons, based on displeasure with their situation in America and feeling
pushed out by the discontent. For example, some participants noted mental
health issues of a family member and the desire to start fresh in Israel.
Several parents pointed to specific issues faced by the teen in the family,
such as learning or social issues, as the reason for the family deciding to
move to Israel. For example, a father of a 14-year-old male who moved to Israel
four years prior commented, "We were told that we should send him to a
public school because of his learning disability. So we were afraid about it,
we wanted him to have a religious surrounding; he is now in the right environment."
Other "push" reasons included not being satisfied with the
educational system in the US and dissatisfaction with life in America,
including the fast-paced nature of daily activities and the uncertain economic
situation. For example, a father of a 15-year-old female in Israel for four
years said, "I worked on Wall Street and was concerned about what was
going on in the big picture. I was worried that if things don't go well
financially in the US things will get hard."
Several participants stressed the importance of timing the
move well. For example, numerous participants commented that moving in the
summer between 7th and 8th grades was particularly hard for teens because of
missing eighth grade and graduation. This was in contrast to others who noted
that coming for 7th or 9th grade made the move easier as it is a new
educational beginning regardless of the move. One father remarked that his
decision to move when he did was based on advice he received from his rabbi not
to move to Israel with teens. One mother thought that the reason her two
children ended up moving back to the US when they graduated high school was
because the family moved to Israel when the teens were too old already.
Participants described various ways in which the parents decided
on moving to Israel and informing the children about the move. In some cases
the family discussed the idea for years and then proceeded to go on a pilot
trip to examine the possibility further. Other parents made the decision
themselves and only then informed their children about the move.
The initial reaction of teens to the decision to move was
impacted by several variables. First, past experiences of visiting Israel was
reported as contributing to a positive reaction from teens to the move.
Furthermore, discussing the idea with teens and having them join a pilot trip
was also noted as easing the initial reaction. A father of a 14-year-old male
in Israel for four years noted, "He was very against it initially so we
took the family on a pilot trip. The pilot trip was very helpful; the move
wasn't so scary anymore for him." An 18-year-old female who has been in
Israel for five years and was not told about the move until the decision was
made remembered, "I was very angry and very resentful no one gave me any
choices."
Initial negative reactions to the move were often based on
concern about the overall change, school issues, and not fitting into the new
country. Other participants reported sadness over leaving behind their life,
family, and friends. Several teens declared when they were told about the move
that they were not going with the family to Israel. An 18-year-old female who
has been in Israel for five years recalled, "I ran to my room crying and I
cried for weeks ... It was hard leaving friends that I finally was making in my
school in the US, I also had to leave my family, they lived around the corner
from us." For some teens the negative reaction to the news of the move was
exacerbated due to pre-existing anxiety. Several parents reported that they
"bribed" their children to make the move more palatable with promises
of getting cable TV, new linen, or their own room once they settled in Israel.
Participants described the stress associated with the move
including the tension invoked by packing, making the arrangements, and selling
the house. Some also described the difficulties of having to say goodbye to the
entire family who came to the airport. A 17-year-old female in Israel for five
years said, "I am not very emotional so in the airport everyone were
crying but not me, I did not process it, I thought we may come back."
FAMILY
IMPACTING THE TRANSITION
Extended family dynamics impacted the move in various ways.
Leaving family behind in the US and not having family in Israel was
consistently noted as a difficult aspect of moving to Israel. This difficulty
was ameliorated somewhat by those whose family from the US came to visit Israel
often. In contrast, participants with native or immigrant family already in
Israel reported the transition being much easier due to having family support
including the presence of cousins and extended family. Some teens noted that
closeness with their siblings helped them adjust to the move.
Having the support and encouragement of family in the US
about the decision to move was also reported as being beneficial. On the other
hand, many parents noted that when their own parents disapproved of the move it
created an elevated level of difficulties for all the family. A father of a
15-year-old female in Israel for three years recalled, "My parents thought
we were crazy. Israel is where you go to visit not to live, it was very hard
telling them about our decision and it was the hardest part of making
aliyah"
In
some cases the grandparents even expressed the displeasure to the teens,
directly impacting the teen's attitude about the move. A father of a
14-year-old in Israel for four years lamented, "Our parents were very
angry about it until today. Our parents on both sides said that we were
stealing the kids away from them. My father put in a lot of guilt even with the
kids. He would tell them that we can always come back that he would do anything
if we came back." Conversely, one mother noted that although her parents
had problems with the decision, they made sure to only express the
dissatisfaction to her and her husband and were as positive as possible about
the move when talking with the children.
SOCIAL
AND COMMUNITY VARIABLES
Many participants felt supported by their community and
neighbors during the first few days and weeks of their move. Participants noted
how special it was for their family when neighbors were waiting outside for
them when they arrived from the airport to their new community. A mother of a
17-year-old male and a 16-year-old female who has been in Israel for five years
said, "When we arrived the neighborhood was all out in the street with
signs and everything, it was nice." Several teens commented that
neighborhood teens coming over and saying hello or inviting them over made the
initial transition easier. Furthermore, attending youth group functions soon
after arrival provided an opportunity for meeting new friends helping to make
the beginning of school easier.
The decision regarding choosing the right community to
settle in was a consistent theme found in the interviews. Many parents chose to
move to a largely Anglo community in order to ease the transition for their
children. However, some parents thought that, although living with Anglos
assisted with the initial transition, it prevented their children from
integrating into Israeli culture. On the other hand, although families moving
to a more Israeli area appreciated the way their children integrated into
Israeli culture, they did note the social difficulties linked with being seen
as an outsider. One mother reported that her daughter was very cautious
socially and did not have many friends in the beginning. This difficult balance
can be seen in the words of a mother of a 17-year-old male and a 16-year-old
female who has been in Israel for five years and moved to a more Israeli area,
"Our kids are more integrated than other olim because we came here, but it
came at an expense. My kids were seen as outsiders. We are always going to be a
bit different." Several teens who moved to more Israeli areas reported that
attending youth groups and hanging out with Israeli teens helped in social
integration with Israelis. Ultimately, a majority of both parent and teen
participants believed that having a strong friend network early was infinitely
important for adjustment.
SCHOOL,
ACADEMICS, AND LANGUAGE
Similar to the decision regarding choosing the right
community to settle in, the choice of school for the teens was also a
consistent theme found in the interviews. The choice of either placing teens in
a majority Israeli school or in a school catering to the Anglo community
entailed academic and social ramifications.
Academically, many participants described school
difficulties experienced initially by the teens regardless of what type of
school attended. Predictably, the greatest challenge of school was associated
with language difficulties, necessitating students to work much harder at
school than in the past. An 18-year-old female who has been in Israel for five
years recalled "For homework I sat by my computer Google translating every
word." These academic difficulties were often subject-specific. Religious
subjects were often noted as being easier than secular subjects such as math
and science. A 16-year-old female in Israel for four years said "Just the
terms in math and science in Hebrew I did not know. In America if I did not get
something in math I would just pick up the book and learn it, here I just did
not understand the book." These difficulties resulted in lower grades than
previously and was upsetting to several teens including some who noted that the
academic difficulties made them want to go back to the US.
Many schools offered academic assistance to help teens deal
with the school difficulties. School friends were also noted as being very
helpful. One consistent comment from the majority of participants was that the
Hebrew language instructional programs, referred to as ulpan, were not very
effective. In fact several participants noted that being taken out of class for
ulpan was counterproductive since it just made schoolwork harder due to missing
class. In some instances for students in majority Israeli schools, the
accommodations for immigrants were seen as too lax. Several teens commented
about how the school had no expectations for them and they felt that the good
grades they received were not deserved. Students entering school with a strong
Hebrew background reported fewer academic difficulties than those with limited
exposure to Hebrew. Families working on Hebrew skills in the lead up to the
move, either via instructional support or family home conversations, had teens
adjust more easily to school. A mother of a 15-year-old female in Israel two
years recalled "The Hebrew made such a big difference; she was
self-confident and was able to transition seamlessly into school because of
it."
The differences between the experiences of those enrolling
in majority Israeli schools or enrolling in more Anglo schools was seen more
starkly when examining the social experience of school. Those in schools with
large numbers of US immigrant students reported better social integration and
friendships. An additional advantage to being with other immigrants was seeing
peers' successful adjustment and knowing that things will get better. However,
even for the teens in a majority Anglo school, some social difficulties were
evident. One teen noted some social issues initially with cliques and being
pulled by various peer groups. Another teen commented about being new in the
school and tested by peers. Although enrolling in a school with a considerable
US immigrant population was noted as being very helpful in terms of social
integration, several participants in Anglo communities were concerned that due
to the lack of integration into Israeli society the transition into college may
be difficult.
The social experience for teens in majority Israeli schools
was considerably different from those enrolled in Anglo schools. Many of them
noted social problems in school. A 13-year-old male in Israel for three years
said "I had a friend who went to an Israeli school and he left after three
days." Teens reported trying to seek out the few US immigrants in the
school to befriend. Although the Israelis were excited about the new immigrants
and were very nice to them, an 18-year-old female in Israel for five years in a
majority Israeli school noted uneasiness with the heightened attention, saying,
"There was too much attention on me and they were all coming up to me
testing out their broken English." Other concerns with being in an Israeli
school included cultural differences and some teasing. A mother of a
17-year-old male in Israel for five years commented "Physical space
differences between Israeli and American kids made him think that kids were
aggressive when they were just being themselves." She also noted that her
son felt teased in school, "He did not like when the Israeli kids made
comments about him being an American. They called him an 'Americakee'
(derogatory term for US immigrants). Actually, school shows often depicted
Americans with funny accents; I had to call the school about that."
Due to the academic and social challenges several
participants reported that they needed to reevaluate their school choice after
the first year in Israel. Some teens moved to different schools based on information
learned about the system during the first year. The new school chosen was often
based on it being smaller and more American, resulting in better academic and
social outcomes.
ISSUES
OF DIVERGENT CULTURES
A consistent theme relating to cultural differences between
the US and Israel and its impact on teens related to religious group
categorization. As suggested by numerous participants, Jewish religious schools
in the US permit a broader spectrum of religious ideology among its student
body. In contrast, the religious school system in Israel is more fragmented and
heterogeneity of ideology is not common in Israeli schools. Hence, several
parents reported that the need to commit to a more narrow ideology in order to
place teens in the appropriate school created some conflict. Placing teens in a
school more religious or less religious than the family has been accustomed to
practice often resulted in religious conflict with children. For example, a
father of a 16-year-old female in Israel for four years explained
Due to the need to define yourself a bit more here we made a choice
to send her to a more Religious-Zionist school which created some
conflict with us about dress code. She does not see it as a
conflict, we do. We were always more Zionistic even in the US but
in the US you can be whatever you want and it does not matter. So
we were able to think a bit differently but still send her to a
more religious school. Here things are different so we decided to
go to the Religious-Zionist. So she goes along with the ways things
are in school which is a bit more open than we are comfortable
with. It's a constant struggle with her.
A father of a 16-year-old male in Israel for four years said
"We were in a regular religious school in America, but here we placed him
in a Religious-Zionist school. So he became anti-Ultra-Orthodox. It is amongst
his friends. He would say not nice things about other groups that were
disturbing to me." On the other side of the religious spectrum, one teen
commented that his older sister had a hard time in a more narrowly defined
Ultra-Orthodox school resulting in fights with parents over dress code.
An additional way in which cultural differences between the
US and Israel impacted teens was the more freedom offered to teens in Israel.
Many participants noted that their children loved the newfound freedom and that
the independence was very good for them. A mother of a 15-year-old female in
Israel for three years described how it took some time for her and her daughter
to reach a sense of balance with the new independence, "In the beginning
she was apprehensive about going out alone but then she would disappear for
hours. It took us time to find the right balance." Considering the
independence of Israeli teens some parents appreciated the fact that they lived
in a smaller city with limited options for problematic activities.
DIFFICULTIES
WITH UNCERTAIN CAUSES
Several parents described considerable difficulties
experienced by their teens that developed after the move including diagnoses of
Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD), mood disorders, Learning
Disabilities (LD), and disturbed eating patterns. In some of the cases the
diagnosis was determined many years prior and was retriggered after the move to
Israel, such as in a case of anxieties activated by the change and learning
issues aggravated by the natural academic difficulties of a new country and
school.
In one case a teen started limiting food intake and
exercising excessively after the move, resulting in some medical issues.
However, the cause of the problem was not clear, as the father of the
16-year-old in Israel for four years elucidated "I think it was
multifactorial, I am not sure why it happened. Was it the stress of the move?
If I was not dieting would that have changed things? I am not sure."
Fewer clinical problems that seemed to be retriggered after
the move included past social issues resulting in difficulties developing
friendships as well as standard teen-parent conflict, resulting in conflict
with parents over bedtimes, music, and phone issues. A mother of a 17-year-old
male in Israel for two years explained "Teenagers have issues, they all go
through some rebellion, I don't think this was something to do with the aliyah."
CHANGE
OVER TIME AND RETROSPECTION
The overwhelming majority of the parent and teen
participants reported that overall the first year was hard but that things got
better with time. As a mother of a 15-year-old female in Israel for three years
said "I would never want to do that first year again." A father of a
14-year-old in Israel for four years commented "He is past the point of
wanting to go back to the US, he is at the point of talking about what he is
going to do after high school in Israel." Often the improvement was driven
by engaging in the normal routine of life, developing closer friendships, and
language competencies. Others noted a growing sense of pride in being in Israel
and a growing appreciation for the religious and spiritual connection to the
land and its people.
When asked to comment on the entire process and the final
analysis of their more, several overarching themes were presented by both the
parents and the teens. First, making aliyah together with other families was
noted as being beneficial for adjustment. Having other friends going through
the process together created a support network for the teens.
However, some parents conveyed an ongoing difficulty and
struggle with their teen relating to the Americanization of their child.
Several participants noted that their teen was very American and materialistic,
which made the transition difficult over time. In some cases parents and family
inadvertently contributed to this predicament. A father of a 15-year old female
explained the tension with his daughter wanting everything American and
expressing the desire to go back to the US after graduation
The image is that everything is pink there. She started thinking
that way, we even did that. We would order stuff from the US, which
was a big mistake on my part. Anyone you speak to everyone is going
to American so it makes America the place to be. Even with family
it's like that. My mother would come here and would say I can't
wait to go back. She thought that you can get anything you want in
the US.
In a variation of this experience, a mother of a 19-year-old
female who moved to Israel three years prior described how she would infuse too
much America talk at home emphasizing US educational standards. "I did not
want to compromise on a top US education so I insisted that they read the
classics." Her daughter, in fact, ended up going back to the US after high
school. In an extension of this pull one parent described how going back to
visit America and then coming back was very hard. An additional ongoing problem
noted by some participants is the financial hardship of life in Israel.
Practically all parent and teen participants expressed no
regrets about moving to Israel. One parent did note that if she had many teens
she would probably not move to Israel. With just one to focus on she was able
to focus on her and what she needed.
DISCUSSION
AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS
The present study has both research and applied goals. From
a research perspective the study added to our limited understanding of how
adolescents respond to the immigration experience. Of particular interest was
the unique experience of US teen olim in Israel, a topic of scarce research.
Although preliminary in nature the study confirmed some of the existing work on
teen immigration. However, more significantly, the findings of the study
highlight some extremely distinctive experiences of the teen aliyah.
First, the variability between adolescents in the way they
respond to immigration reported in previous work on adolescent immigration in
general (38) can be seen in the current study as well. The vastly different
educational and social outcomes of the current sample point to the importance
of appreciating the heterogeneity of adolescent immigration outcomes. The
significance of protective factors, such as intimate family and peer
relationships, in mitigating some of the adjustment difficulties of immigration
suggested by past research, (39) can be seen in the present study as well in
the way family and friend support was noted as being an important element of
successful teen adjustment. An additional similarity between the present
findings and past work on immigration pertains to the importance of developing
proficiency in the host country's language. As the majority of the participants
in the current study noted, the value of learning Hebrew in preparation or upon
arrival in Israel cannot be overstated for academics and social adjustment.
However, more importantly, the present study sheds light on
some of the exceptional dynamics experienced by US teen immigrants to Israel
providing a framework for future quantitative studies on this topic. Similar to
Waxman's assertion that immigration to Israel is often motivated by
"pull" reasons, the majority of the current participants highlighted
the appeal of moving to Israel for religious and spiritual reasons. (40)
However, some participants noted "push" reasons such as
dissatisfaction with the educational, economic, and lifestyle conditions in the
US. Furthermore, the importance of timing the move to avoid disrupting
finishing middle school and the significance of including teens in the move
decision process are both additional themes found in the interviews. The way
long-term teen adjustment is impacted by the reason for the move, the timing of
the move, and the decision-making process are important issues to be answered
by future work.
Beyond the importance of family support in the lead-up and
post-immigration adjustment, an interesting theme emanating from the current
data is the way grandparents react to the move and the exposure grandchildren
have to the grandparent discontent. American grandparents with grandchildren
living in Israel find the geographic and emotional alienation difficult. (41)
Grandparents have also been found to be comforted by the transnationalism of
their grandchildren. However, in an additional contribution to our
understanding of the impact of transnationalism on families, the present
findings highlight the tension that may be created by US grandparental
influence in the lives of adolescents.
An additional unique dynamic noted by the participants is
the importance of choosing the correct community and school for both short- and
long-term adjustment and integration. Future quantitative and longitudinal work
in the area should assess how the advantages of short-term social integration
found in teens enrolled in majority Anglo schools impacts their long-term
social, educational, and economic integration.
In a variation of the "cultural gap" found in
other studies between immigrant adolescents and their less acculturated
parents, (42) the current study highlighted a distinct way in which cultural
differences between US and Israeli Jewish schools in acceptance of religious
diversity impacts religious conflict between parents and children. More
distinct acculturation of adolescent immigrants in Israel, including the
prescription to a more narrow religious ideology, was reported as a source of
contention between teens and their parents.
An additional important focus for future research is the
interconnection between past underlying mental health issues, immigration
stressors, and immigration adjustment. In the current sample several teens
experiencing considerable immigration difficulties were diagnosed in the past
and were experiencing a reactivation of symptomology as a result of the
changes.
Finally, the difficulty reported by several parents with the
materialism of their teen and its associated desire to move back to the US
highlights a negative consequence of the Americanization of Israel described by
Rebhun and Waxman. (43) This tension is driven in part by the growing trend
towards transnationalism noted in several recent studies on immigration. (44)
Immigrant families often maintain connections with their country of origin, via
cultural, economic, and familial ties. Research on transnationalism, and its
impact on families, is in its infancy. (45) The present report adds to this
emergent area of inquiry by highlighting family dynamic and adjustment
dimensions to this phenomenon that may create tension between parents and
adolescents. Future work should examine this phenomenon more broadly and assess
how moving to Anglo as opposed to more Israeli areas impacts this occurrence.
CONCLUSIONS
AND APPLIED RECOMMENDATIONS
Although preliminary in nature, the current findings can
inform applied work with adolescents in the lead-up to immigration and
post-immigration. Many variables need to be considered when approaching the
issue of successful immigration for adolescents. These issues include
individual, family, and community pre- and post-immigration dynamics in
addition to the interaction between these multifaceted variables. However, the
current study can begin shifting the Israel immigration discourse away from
risk models and the insistence that immigration should not be attempted with
teens, towards a more positive and systematic model that emphasizes the process
of successful teen immigration.
During the lead-up to immigration parents should consider
emphasizing the "pull" of Israel with their teens including the
religious, spiritual, Biblical, and Zionistic connections to the land. This can
be done via family discussions, family activities, and visiting Israel. One
family noted the effectiveness of traveling around Israel on a vacation using
the chronology of Jewish history as the guide for the travel itinerary as a
means of connecting their children to the land. Involving the teens in the
discussions about the decision to move, including having them join a pilot
trip, may also be an effective way of minimizing initial objection to the move.
Furthermore, although the true impact of the timing of the move on long-term
adjustment necessitates further quantitative work, several participants in the
study noted that a particularly difficult time to move for teens is between 7th
and 8th grades.
Multiple aspects of family support can also be employed to
enhance the immigration experience. First, it is important to explain to
grandparents their crucial role in their grandchildren's adjustment to the
move. When grandchildren sense that their family back in the US is supportive
of the move their adjustment appears to be more positive. Relatedly,
grandparents who are displeased with their children's decision to move to
Israel must be implored to keep those objections away from their grandchildren.
Having family in Israel is an additional variable that can ease immigration
turmoil. For those without known immediate family in Israel, efforts can be
made to locate more distant family and actively develop relationships with them
before and after the move. Furthermore, immigrating together with friends may
also be beneficial for adjustment.
Upon arrival, introducing teens to peers before the
beginning of the school year, via the neighborhood or youth group functions,
can help in making the transition into the new school year easier. Although
further quantitative work would assist in drawing conclusions about this
question, our study seems to suggest that moving to a largely Anglo community
and enrolling in a school with a large Anglo student body eases the social
transition for teens. The manner in which living in a community with many
Anglos impacts long-term integration into society remains to be tested.
Furthermore, the importance of language proficiency cannot be overstated.
Considering that the large majority of teens claimed that ulpan did not enhance
their language abilities, those considering moving to Israel should emphasize
learning Hebrew ideally even before the move via tutoring or using Hebrew at home.
Ultimately, a command of Hebrew is advantageous for successful academic
transition. Additionally, the development of close friendships early in the
adjustment process enhances social integration. The choice of community and
school should also be viewed in the context of the unique cultural differences
between the US and Israel in religious group categorization. A parental desire
to subscribe to a more Zionistic or Ultra-Orthodox system than the family was
accustomed to in the US may trigger conflict with teens.
Parents, and particularly professionals, should monitor
closely the way the move may be impacting teens with pre-existing learning
or mental health problems. It is also important to distinguish between
normal developmental issues that teens may be experiencing, necessitating
little intervention, and more clinical problems that require more extensive
treatment. As the overwhelming majority of the parent and teen participants
reported, although things were hard in the beginning they got better with time.
Finally, once settled in Israel, overemphasizing the
greatness of the materialism of America may have unintended consequences for
the teens leading them to question living in Israel. Even subtle things like
insisting on having US appliances or US products at home may inadvertently send
mixed message to teens. Monitoring the messages at home, and those received
from family back in the US, about America can help insure that the
"pull" reasons that brought the family to Israel in the first place
continue to inspire daily life.
This
study points to several immigration protective factors that can inform future
research in the area and educate families and professionals about the
conditions necessary to enhance the likelihood of successful immigration to Israel
for teenagers.
APPENDIX
A: INTERVIEW PROTOCOL
ADOLESCENT
QUESTIONS:
"When, and from where, did you move to Israel? Describe
how the moving process went. What was the lead-up to the move like? When were
you told about it? How were you told? What was your reaction when you were
told? Were you excited about the move? Why or why not? What were some difficult
parts of moving to Israel? How did you deal with these difficult parts? What
were some pleasant parts of moving to Israel? Do you think your experience of
moving to Israel was the same or different than the experience that other teens
had when they moved to Israel? In what way? How are things for you now? Have
things gotten better or worse since your move? What changed? Is there anything
else you can tell me about your experience moving to Israel?"
PARENT
QUESTIONS:
"When, and from where, did you move to Israel? Describe
how the moving process went for you and your children. What was the lead-up to
the move like? When did you tell your children? How did you tell them? What was
the reaction of your children when you told them? Were they excited about the
move? Why or why not? What were some difficult parts of moving to Israel for
you and your children? How did you and your children deal with these difficult
parts? What were some pleasant parts of moving to Israel for you and your
children? Do you think your experience of moving to Israel was the same or
different than the experience that other families had when they moved to
Israel? In what way? How are things for you now? Have things gotten better or
worse since your move? What changed? Is there anything else you can tell me
about your experience moving to Israel?"
doi
10.2979/israelstudies.21.2.02
NOTES
(1.)
Chaim I. Waxman, "Table Based on Data from Israel's Central Bureau of
Statistics." Personal communication, 17 August 2014.
(2.)
Uzi Rebhun and Chaim I. Waxman, "The 'Americanization' of Israel: A
Demographic, Cultural and Political Evaluation," Israel Studies 5.1
(2000): 65-91.
(3.)
Ibid.
(4.)
Chaim I. Waxman, American Aliya: Portrait of an Innovative Migration Movement
(Detroit, 1995).
(5.)
Bernard Lazerwitz, J. Alan Winter, Arnold Dashefsky, and Ephraim Tabory,
Americans Abroad: A Comparative Study of Emigrants from the United States (New
York, 1992).
(6.)
Laura Sigad and Rivka Eisikovits, "Migration, Motherhood, Marriage:
Cross-Cultural Adaptation of North American Immigrant Mothers in Israel,"
International Migration 47 (2009): 65-99.
(7.)
Laura Sigad and Rivka Eisikovits, "Grandparenting across Borders: American
Grandparents and Their Israeli Grandchildren in a Transnational Reality,"
Journal of Aging Studies 27 (2013): 308-16.
(8.)
Alexander Vazsonyi, Elizabeth Trejos-Castillo, and Li Huang, "Are
Developmental Processes Affected by Immigration? Family Processes,
Internalizing Behaviors, and Externalizing Behaviors," Journal of Youth
and Adolescence 35 (2006): 799-813.
(9.)
Laurence Steinberg and Amanda Sheffield Morris, "Adolescent
development," Annual Review of Psychology 52 (2001): 83-110.
(10.)
John Berry, Jean Phinney, and David Sam, "Introduction: Goals and Research
Framework for Studying Immigrant Youth," in Immigrant Youth in Cultural
Transition: Acculturation, Identity, and Adaptation Across National Contexts,
ed. John W Berry, Jean S. Phinney, David L. Sam, and Paul Vedder (Mahwah, NJ,
2006), 1-14; Cynthia Garcia-Coll, Keith Crnic, Gontran Lamberty, Barbara Hanna
Wasik, Renee Jenkins, Heidie Vazquez Garcia, and Harriet Pipes McAdoo, "An
Integrative Model for the Study of Developmental Competencies in Minority
Children," Child Development 67 (1996): 1891-914; Katholiki Georgiades,
Michael H. Boyle, Eric Duku, and Yvonne Racine, "Tobacco Use Among
Immigrant and Nonimmigrant Adolescents: Individual and Family Level
Influences," Journal of Adolescent Health 38 (2006): 443-47.
(11.)
Gary Becker, A Treatise on the Family (Cambridge, 1981).
(12.)
John Berry et al., Immigrant Youth in Cultural Transition, 1-14.
(13.)
Anh Bao Nguyen, Janie Rawana, and David Flora, "Risk and Protective
Predictors of Trajectories of Depressive Symptoms among Adolescents from
Immigrant Backgrounds," Journal of Youth and Adolescence 40 (2011):
1544-58; Ulrich Orth, Richard W Robins, and Laurenz L. Meier,
"Disentangling The Effects of Low Self-Esteem and Stressful Events on Depression:
Findings from Three Longitudinal Studies," Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology 97 (2009): 307-21.
(14.)
Nina Ahmed, "Integenerational Impact of Immigrants' Selection and
Assimilation on Health Outcomes of Children," 11, F0019 (Ottawa, 2005).
(15.)
Berry et al., Immigrant Youth in Cultural Transition.
(16.)
Alejandro Portes, "Immigration Theory for a New Century: Some Problems and
Opportunities," The International Migration Review 31 (1997): 799-825.
(17.)
Shiow-Huey Luo and Richard Wiseman, "Ethnic Language Maintenance among
Chinese Immigrant Children in the United States," International Journal of
Intercultural Relations 24 (2000): 307-24.
(18.)
Lisa Liu, Aprile Benner, Anna Lau, and Su Yeong Kim, "Mother Adolescent
Language Proficiency and Adolescent Academic and Emotional Adjustment among
Chinese American Families," Journal of Youth and Adolescence 38 (2009):
572-86.
(19.)
David Sam, "Psychological Adaptation of Adolescents with Immigrant
Backgrounds," The Journal of Social Psychology 140 (2000): 5-25.
(20.)
Berry et al., Immigrant Youth in Cultural Transition.
(21.)
Shlomo Romi and Simcha Getahun, "Ego Identity and Perceived Family
Functioning: Comparing at-Risk Native-Born and Immigrant Ethiopian Adolescents
in Israel," Adolescence 44 (2009): 869-90; Sophie D. Walsh, Yossi
Harel-Fisch, Haya Fogel-Grinvald Walsh, Harel-Fisch, and Fogel-Grinvald,
"Parents, Teachers and Peer Relations as Predictors of Risk Behaviors and
Mental Well-Being Among Immigrant and Israeli Born Adolescents," Social Science
and Medicine 70 (2010): 976-84.
(22.)
Paula Kahan-Strawczynski, Dganit Levi, and Viacheslav Konstantinov, Immigrant
Youth in Israel: The Current Situation (Jerusalem, 2010).
(23.)
Ibid.
(24.)
Chaim I. Waxman "In the End is it Ideology?: Religio-cultural and
Structural Factors in American Aliya," Contemporary Jewry 16 (1995):
50-67.
(25.)
Rebhun and Waxman, "The 'Americanization' of Israel," 85.
(26.)
Ibid.
(27.)
John W. Berry, "Immigration, Acculturation, and Adaptation," Applied
Psychology: An International Review 46 (1997): 5-34.
(28.)
Rivka Eisikovits and Laura Sigad, "'You Can't Exactly Act American Here in
Israel!' Identity Negotiations of Transnational North American--Israeli
Children and Youth," Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 36 (2010):
1013-31.
(29.)
Kahan-Strawczynski et al., Immigrant Youth in Israel.
(30.)
Eisikovits and Sigad, "You Can't Exactly Act," 1040.
(31.)
Erik Erikson, Identity Youth and Crisis (New York, 1968).
(32.)
Tanya Baysok, "Fragmented Identities: The Case of Former Soviet Jews in
Toronto," Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research 2
(2002): 341-60.
(33.)
Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss, The Discovery of Grounded Theory: Strategies
for Qualitative Research (New York, 1967).
(34.)
Michael Patton, Qualitative Evaluation and Research Methods (3rd ed.) (Newbury,
UK, 2002); Francis Dane, Research Methods (Pacific Grove, CA, 1990).
(35.)
Ernesto Spinelli, The Interpreted World (London, 1989).
(36.)
Norman Denzin and Yvonna Lincoln, "Introduction: Entering the field of
qualitative research," in Handbook of Qualitative Research (Thousand Oaks,
CA, 1994), 1-17.
(37.)
Clara Hill, Barbara Thompson, and Elizabeth Nutt Williams, "A Guide to
Conducting Consensual Qualitative Research," The Counseling Psychologist
25 (1997): 517-72.
(38.)
Berry et al., Immigrant Youth in Cultural Transition.
(39.)
Hien Nguyen, Jennine S. Rawana, and David B. Flora, "Risk and Protective
Predictors," Journal of Youth and Adolescence 40 (2011): 1544-58.
(40.)
Waxman, "In the End is it Ideology?"
(41.)
Sigad and Eisikovits, Grandparenting across Borders, 308-16.
(42.)
Portes, "Immigration Theory."
(43.)
Rebhun and Waxman, "The 'Americanization' of Israel," 65-91.
(44.)
Peddy Levitt, The Transnational Villagers (Berkeley, 2001); "Salsa and
Ketchup: Transnational Migrants Straddle Two Worlds," Contexts 3 (2004):
20-4.
(45.)
Lilach Lev Ari, "Multiple Ethnic Identities among Israeli Immigrants in
Europe," International Journal of Jewish Education Research 5-6 (2013):
203-30.
AVIDAN
MILEVSKY is Associate Professor of Psychology at Kutztown University of
Pennsylvania. His recent publications include: "Spiritually Oriented
Treatment with Jewish Clients: Meditative Prayer and Religious Texts,"
Professional Psychology 43 (2012); Sibling Issues in Therapy (London, 2015);
Understanding Adolescents for Helping Professionals (New York, 2014); Will I
Ever Be Happy Again: A Jewish Approach to Helping Children Deal with the Loss
of a Loved One (Jerusalem, 2014).
Milevsky,
Avidan
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